Wednesday May 31, 1916
From the International Socialist Review: The Villa Expedition

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Marching Through Mexico

By JOHN KENNETH TURNER

THE time has come for the real American rebel to show himself and prove his courage.

The first revolution of this century WORTHY OF THE NAME OF REVOLUTION stands in imminent and terrible danger of being crushed under the military heel of the "Land of the Free."

There are readers of this magazine who believe that nationality, at least as a general thing, is not worth fighting for. But there may be instances where a struggle to maintain nationality is flesh and blood of the world struggle for true liberty. There is at least one such case—the case of Mexico.

Are your opinions formed and your emotions controlled by the daily press, in spite of your knowledge that it habitually colors and manufactures "news" to serve special interests? Have you swallowed the tale that Mexicans are not human, like the rest of the world, that they are all thieves and cut throats, fighting only for loot and the love of it, and that we ourselves are MORE THAN HUMAN, appointed by an all-wise God to go down and "straighten 'em out"?

For such parlor radicals as believe the American conquest of Mexico is inevitable and, therefore, not worth opposing, I have no respect. I contend that no reactionary thing is inevitable—unless it is due to the weakness or cowardice of the very "revolutionists" who fancy themselves as carrying forward the true banner of liberty.

I do not claim to be an authority on any other subject except Mexico. Believe me when I tell you that there are just as brave, humane, intelligent, self-sacrificing, well-in formed and REVOLUTIONARY men at the head of the Mexican Constitutionalist party as are to be found in the United States; that our military officers who would be given the job of "straightening 'em out" are SAVAGES in comparison with the men they would straighten out; that, on the day Wilson ordered troops across the line, the Mexican Revolution had clarified itself to a greater extent, and was nearer an ultimate triumph, than at any previous time during its five years heroic uphill fight against the combined plots of the modern Holy Alliance, composed of Mexican emigres, American financiers, and British oil men—and that the invasion was ordered for this very reason.

Are YOU one of those to be taken in by the argument that the "punitive expedition" is necessary, either as a means for guarding our border, "maintaining our national honor," or enforcing the inviolability of our soil?

To guard our border is to guard our border. Twenty-two thousand men were "guarding our border," but when the test came they were asleep!

How much national honor is there in chasing a fleeing and discredited bandit? Even were he caught it would not restore the personal honor of General Pershing and Colonel Slocum, who, in the face of repeated warnings, failed to prepare against his attack.

As to the inviolability of our sovereign soil, how can we talk of such things when hundreds of our marines are treading the sovereign soil of Hayti, shooting and bludgeoning the Haytiens at the behest of J. P. Morgan; when a company of our marines are quartered upon the sovereign soil of Nicaragua, protecting a Morgan-imposed dictator against the fury of an outraged populace; when we hold the Philippines in face of an overwhelming dissent of the in habitants? To say nothing our ruthless violation of Mexican soil two years ago, and its violation today!

A year or two ago a company of Canadian soldiers fired on a party of hunters on the American side, killing one or more. Did we invade Canada on account of that? Would Americans look with complacency upon the landing of a Japanese army in California because of an anti-Japanese riot in San Francisco?

As a "punitive expedition" merely—the thing that is solemnly pretended to be—nothing could be more ridiculous than our present Mexican invasion, even from the point of view of one who cares nothing for the sovereignty of Mexico.

President Wilson, after grooming Villa for a year, had been forced to drop him suddenly—for reasons that need not be gone into here. Villa was angry at Wilson and at all Americans; for the Americans he knew had backed him side by side with Wilson. Villa's armies had just been scattered by Carranza. Villa's last chance was to provoke intervention and call the people to his banner as the savior of Mexico. That German agents furnished a part of the motive there is every reason to believe. Previously German agents had paid Huerta to try to provoke intervention, so that the United States would be forced to use the munitions that are now going to the Allies.

So Villa rode north, dodging Carranza armies, boasting that he would attack the United States and provoke intervention. He reached Columbus-and found Colonel Slocum asleep.

It is the first principle of warfare to avoid doing what your enemy wants you to do. Why, then, did Wilson do what Villa wanted him to do?

The second step in our farcical enterprise was to give Villa a start of six days and ten hours before sending the army after him, thus insuring that he would not be caught, at least not for a long time.

"Get the army across the line; that's the essential thing," the interventionists whispered to one another. "Once get the soldiers across, and you can leave the rest to us—and to them."

So the army went across—and Funston established his remarkable censorship.

Why? Surely not to prevent the facts from getting to Villa; for Villa was already in the mountains, far from any telegraph. Again why? There can be but one reason able answer—TO PREVENT THE FACTS FROM GETTING TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

Yes; leave it to Funston—and us!

Funston put 13,000 troops over the line. Funston raised an issue over the use of the Mexican railroads. Tho we were assured there would be no "interference with Mexican sovereignty," Funston wanted to take the railroads of Chihuahua away from Carranza, change the Mexican engineers, trainmen and telegraphers for American engineers, trainmen and telegraphers, change the Mexican guards for American guards, police the stations along the way with American soldiers—in brief, to take away completely Carranza's means of transportation and communication in the northern part of the Republic!

Funston was not satisfied with the privilege of transporting supplies over Carranza's railroads. He wanted to TAKE the railroads. Why? "Military necessity," answered Funston. Military necessity in the job of catching Villa? Or in the job of beating Carranza, when the hour is ripe to throw off the mask?

Leave it to them—our soldiers! Pershing put a regiment of negro cavalrymen at the head of his expedition. March 29 these black riders "surprised" a town and killed 60 Mexicans. April 1 they "surprised" another town and killed between 30 or 40 Mexicans. The censorship prevents us from knowing just what happened at these encounters. But even the censored report itself convicts our glorious army. This report says that not one American was killed in either engagement.

THEN THERE COULD NOT HAVE BEEN A BATTLE. THERE COULD NOT HAVE BEEN RESISTANCE. IT MUST HAVE BEEN MURDER AND MASSACRE IN COLD BLOOD.

Meanwhile, they helped the thing along at Washington. Congress helped by rushing through the preparedness bills and a bill immediately adding 20,000 men to the regular army.

President Wilson helped—by fooling the American people and trying to fool Carranza. His old clever, hypocritical way.

Wilson, at the start, gave out the "assurance" that there was no intention of infringing upon the sovereignty of Mexico. Words as empty as if they had come from the Kaiser in the act of landing an army in New York. As a conservative weekly magazine says: "By whatever NAME you call it, this movement of troops is war."

When the Jingo sheets became indiscreet in their manifestation of glee, Wilson denounced them, charging them with trying to bring about a condition that may lead to war—knowing that no act of theirs, nor all of their acts together, could lead so directly to war as his own act of ordering the troops into Mexico.

Wilson well knows that these self-righteous poses of his—and these solemn promises—will not prevent war, and that they serve a certain necessary political end. THEY PAVE THE WAY FOR BLAMING THE WAR ONTO CARRANZA WHEN IT COMES.

Finally, Wilson tells the American people, over his own signature, that "the expedition into Mexico was ordered under an agreement with the de facto government of Mexico."

No more brazen falsehood—no falsehood more easily provable as such-was ever uttered than this. The expedition was ordered the day following Villa's raid and before ONE WORD had been heard from Carranza on the subject.

After Carranza learned that Wilson was determined on the invasion, whether or no. Carranza, with the patience and forbearance he has always preserved toward Wilson, offered a proposal looking toward an agreement.

THE ADMINISTRATION LYINGLY PRETENDED THAT THIS PROPOSAL MEANT CONSENT.

Carranza proved that it meant nothing of the sort, by renewing the proposal and asking for a definite agreement, or protocol, in which would be set down in writing the precise purpose of the expedition, and setting a limit upon the time and the territory to be covered as well as upon the number of troops to be used.

At the present writing the administration has corroborated all the other evidences of its insincerity by refusing to sign such an agreement.

Therefore, one month after Wilson's order to invade Mexico, Carranza had not yet consented to such an invasion, and had not entered into any agreement regarding it.

Should Carranza's proposed protocol be signed by Wilson, I do not believe that it will be with any intention of respecting it. President Wilson's WORDS about Mexico have always been fine. Because of his fine words—and because he refused to recognize Huerta—Wilson has fooled many people, even some Socialists. Had I followed Wilson's ACTS regarding Mexico any less closely these three years than I have, I myself might be deceived into thinking him only a blind and blundering tool. BUT I COULD FILL THIS ENTIRE PAGE WITH INSTANCES OF WILSON'S DAGGER THRUSTS AT MEXICAN SOVEREIGNTY AND MEXICAN DEMOCRACY, EVEN WHILE THOSE FINE PHRASES WERE STILL TREMBLING ON HIS LIPS.

"Punitive expeditions" have been employed in history many times as opening wedges for wars of conquest. I denounce the present "punitive expedition" as but the culmination of a series of outrageous interferences with Mexican sovereignty, perpetrated with a view to saving American concessionaires from a just accounting with the rising revolution.

I denounce the watchful waiting of Woodrow Wilson as a deliberate, cunning and hypocritical watchful waiting for A TIME THAT WAS RIPE to restore the Mexican grafters with the approval of the American people.

As a political wizard, seeking re-election, President Wilson played his trump card when he denounced the pro-intervention agitation as a conspiracy "for the purpose of bringing about intervention in the interest of certain American owners of Mexican properties."

Intervention cannot be brought about by these men—except as they operate through President Wilson. WILSON IS THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY AND NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES—AND THE ARMY IS MASSACREING MEXICANS ON MEXICAN SOIL. I, in turn, denounce President Wilson himself as the Machievellian ringleader of the very conspiracy that he denounces.

I hesitate to praise individuals, especially individuals who hold the reins of government. But in this crisis it is only just and fair to say that our invasion of Mexico is the best evidence that Carranza remains true to the cause he represents.

Wilson has never loved Carranza—because Carranza had steadfastly refused to be dictated to by Wilson. After Wilson's recognition of Carranza—forced by the Pan-American diplomats—Wall Street would not loan Carranza one dollar, over whelming evidence that Carranza refused the Wall Street terms.

The organized wage-workers of Mexico are for Carranza to a man. Carranza has assisted the workers to organize and has helped them win their strike. One year ago, May 1, Carranza presided over an International Labor Day celebration of workingmen in the Mexican capital; he is probably the first head of any government ever to have done so radical a thing. Carranza is dividing up millions of acres of lands, and had instituted almost innumerable steps looking toward the democratization of industry and finance, as well as of government.

I do not speak of Carranza alone, but the party of Carranza; for the Constitutionalist Party has proved itself bigger than any one man.

There are American Socialists who have inclined toward derision of the Mexican Revolution because its program is not an exact copy of the platform of the American Socialist party. That the Constitutionalist program is not more revolutionary than it is is not the fault of Mexicans, but of Americans—of American Socialists.

The Constitutionalist party has practically obliterated the organized Mexican Reaction. Privilege in Mexico has found its last refuge in the Foreign Interests. The leaders of the Constitutionalist Party have long desired to treat Foreign Privilege precisely as they have treated Mexican Privilege. Why have they not done it?

ONLY BECAUSE WHAT WE BOASTINGLY TERM THE REVOLUTION IN THIS COUNTRY IS SO WEAK AND COWARDLY THAT IT DOES NOT PREVENT THE CONSTANT SHAKING OF THE AMERICAN MAILED FIST IN THEIR FACES.

Carranza has whipped the Mexican Reaction. Do you expect him to whip the American Reaction also?

So I say that the Cause of Mexico in this crisis is the Cause of all true Revolutionists everywhere.

So I say that, so long as Americans who call themselves "revolutionists" offer no more vigorous opposition to their government's interference with the Mexican Revolution than they have to date, I, for one, will confess to a hundred times more respect for the Revolution and Revolutionists of Mexico than for anything claiming the name of Revolution to be found in the United States.

No American who loves liberty can go to Mexico and fight for it—unless he fights on the side of Mexico.

I am not advising Americans to go to Mexico to fight against the United States. It would be more effective to give Wall Street's Government something to think about at home.

I have personal knowledge that leading men of the Constitutionalist party are looking to the American Socialists as their last hope to prevent this country from launching a war to smash the Revolution and restore Privilege in their country.

If just cause for insurrection ever CAN exist in the United States, it exists now. American Socialists who criticised their European comrades for failing to stop the Great War can never again hold up their heads if they fail to employ every effective means for preventing a war of their government upon Mexico.

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SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 16
-ed by Algie Martin Simons, Charles H. Kerr
Charles H. Kerr & Company,
July 1915-June 1916
https://books.google.com/books?id=9VJIAAAAYAAJ
ISR of May 1916
https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=9VJIAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcove...
Marching Trough Mexico by John Kenneth Turner
https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=9VJIAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcove...

IMAGES
Villa Expedition, Turner, Our Boys, ISR, May 1916
https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=9VJIAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcove...
Villa Expedition, Turner, I Got Life, ISR, May 1916
https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=9VJIAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcove...

See also:

Pancho Villa Expedition
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pancho_Villa_Expedition

Constitutionalists in Mexican Revolution/Carrancistas
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitutionalists_in_the_Mexican_Revolution