Macron’s camp brushed aside the poll, saying an initial dip in popularity was to be expected because France’s youngest president in modern times wanted to get started on structural reforms, including loosening labour laws and overhauling the pensions and unemployment system. “When you reform, you take the risk of a moment of being disliked,” said one pro-Macron parliamentarian.

On a clear day, you can see the truth when a stray breeze wafts the brown haze away. This overt change in policies was envisioned by many, including here at c99, prior to the Coronation of the mighty Jupiter. And here I thought he was a rat and not a king. Pardonnez moi!

Housing benefit cuts spark row as Emmanuel Macron's poll ratings fall via @guardian https://t.co/qk5fhnMRz6

— paulabaker (@paula_baker84) July 25, 2017

Found this 'Socialist perspective' using search on twitter interesting:

Mélenchon hails French army as he launches movement against Macron’s cuts
By Alex Lantier
24 July 2017

Here's a snippet:

Macron’s attacks represent the implementation in France of social attacks carried out by the EU across Europe. Worked out in coordination with the German SPD, the labor law Macron is seeking to produce with his decrees aims to achieve what the EU imposed with its austerity policy in Greece: destroying all the gains the working class made through the class struggle in the 20th century.

These attacks will not fail to provoke explosive class struggles with revolutionary implications across Europe. Like the French general strikes in 1936 and 1968, or Europe’s liberation from fascist rule at the end of World War II, the struggles of the working class will emerge independently of the trade union bureaucracies and will rapidly overflow the borders of whichever individual country they begin in. In these struggles, the allies of workers in France are the workers of the rest of Europe and the world.

Mélenchon’s strategy is reactionary, since it cuts French workers off from their international class brothers and sisters and blocks a struggle of the working class for power. It currently has no chance of success, given LFI’s tiny minority in the Assembly. But even in Greece, where Mélenchon’s Syriza allies won the 2015 elections, their nationalism and their refusal to appeal to the European working class for support condemned Syriza’s opposition to impotence. It ultimately capitulated to the pressure of the banks and the EU, led by Berlin.

The conclusion drawn by Mélenchon in his anti-German pamphlet, Bismarck’s Herring, is that Paris must prepare for conflict with Berlin, including a military confrontation if necessary. “We are OK,” he wrote. “But we have the right to ask questions. Come on, we were invaded three times [by Germany] in less than a century. And now Germany has become the world’s third-largest exporter of weapons in less than 20 years.”

If Mélenchon defends de Villiers against Macron, it is in no small part because he opposes the Franco-German industrial alliance on military production proposed by Merkel and Macron last week. He applauds de Villiers for having opposed the project, which he denounces as a threat to France’s capacity to defend itself against Germany by maintaining a defense industry that is fully autonomous from Berlin.

On his blog, he wrote: “When … the president presented an improbable plan for a military rapprochement with Germany, bitterness won out! … We have already sold half the company that produces [France’s] Leclerc tanks to a family of German billionaires. We thought the total sell-out of our defense interests that characterized [PS President François] Hollande’s term in office would finally come to an end. But it turns out not to be the case. The armed forces, that will now be using German rifles, will tomorrow fly in airplanes whose production will also escape national control.”

be the left's best choice over the crazy and the neolib but since he lost Mélenchon has, according to the op cit, gone on to show his truer colours !