When Biden became president I had almost no expectations. He had a horrible Senate record, so I expected more of the same. However, he has exceeded my expectations in two ways - labor union policy and anti-trust enforcement. A good rule of thumb is that the media doesn't cover things that are actually important, which explains why you probably haven't heard about these things.
When it comes to unions, it starts with the NLRB.

Indeed, on his very first day in office, Biden, at the urging of labor advocates, removed then-General Counsel of the NLRB Peter Robb, a deeply anti-labor attorney appointed by Trump, from his post...
To replace the ousted Peter Robb, Biden installed former labor lawyer Jennifer Abruzzo, who, strongly endorsed by unions, has been remarkably effective and successful, rapidly emerging as the most pro-union GC in decades. Abruzzo has released a series of memos advising the Board to, among other things, ban captive audience meetings, expand the coverage of federal labor protections, strengthen the Board’s enforcement powers and remedial arsenal, and facilitate the union organizing process, policies which she has urged the Board to adopt in countless cases her office has prosecuted before the agency. For its part, the Board’s Democratic majority—including two Biden appointees—has proven largely receptive to the GC’s progressive proposals. The agency’s recent Cemex decision, for example, is one of several rulings and regulations the Biden Board has promulgated to facilitate organizing and collective bargaining, and its potential to meaningfully deter unlawful employer obstruction of organizing drives has excited labor proponents. Moreover, since Biden’s inauguration, the NLRB has intensified its processing of ULP charges and election petitions—and unions have prevailed in a higher percentage of such proceedings.

The NLRB has ordered corporations to reinstate more illegally fired workers in the first year of the Biden administration than it did during all four years of the Trump administration. The Biden administration updated Davis-Bacon standards to prevent federal construction contractors from paying below-market wages. In contrast, Republicans in Congress introduced legislation to overturn the updated Davis-Bacon standards.
It's not a coincidence that labor unions in this country are scoring victories while the Biden NLRB has made organizing easier.
In response companies have taken the NLRB to court, while Republicans in Congress have tried to slash the NLRB budget (The number of staffers dropped by 30 percent between 2010 and 2021) while also pushing for a national right to work law.
At a time that American workers are much more receptive to joining a union, Biden had made it easier for them to do so.

On Aug. 24, the NLRB issued a final rule that will speed up union elections, screwing up Step 2 of employers’ union-busting playbook. The rule, effective Dec. 26, will eliminate common delay tactics that help employers: pointless waiting periods, the chance to request numerous extensions, and the opportunity to flood the process with irrelevant arguments.

In an even more important move, on Aug. 25, the board decided a case called Cemex that should prevent employers from using Steps 1 and 3 of the anti-union strategy. Under Cemex, if a majority of co-workers agree to form a union and ask their employer to bargain with them,

It's unfortunate that none of these are laws passed by Congress, but then the GOP would never allow that anyway. So if Trump wins you can bet these NLRB rules to be immediately thrown out.
Biden has also made symbolic gestures that add up.

Biden criticized Kellogg’s use of permanent replacements in 2021, for example, and in 2022 he publicly encouraged efforts to organize Amazon. Most dramatically, President Biden, in a historical first, joined striking UAW workers on a picket line last month.

According to the Economic Policy Institute, petitions for union elections grew by 53 percent between October 2021 and September 2022. Moreover, the rate at which workers win unions in NLRB elections climbed steadily during the first two years of the Biden administration, exceeding any level achieved under the previous administration.

Last year Biden's anti-trust enforcement division set a new record for merger challenges. It's been almost 50 years since anti-trust laws have been enforced, so it was very surprising when Biden reversed this trend.

Khan’s appointment to lead the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) just four years later angered big tech, but it has become increasingly clear that Khan, and the Biden administration have an even bigger agenda: resetting the federal government’s decades-old stance on competition in a manner unseen in decades.
All that changed under Joe Biden, who has consistently attacked the monopolization of US business. Khan is his most high-profile warrior. She has redefined the battlefield in such a sweeping manner that some argue there is no going back no matter who wins 2024’s election. But tough talk is just that – talk. Drawing a line under an era of light-touch antitrust enforcement has proven easier said than done.

Sine M&A is a huge money-maker on Wall Street, this has made some serious well-financed enemies.

The Biden administration’s aggressive set of antitrust enforcers have created powerful enemies: in big business, in media, in academia, and in Washington. For the most part, the main antagonists of the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice’s Antitrust Division have been Republicans, though there are a few Khanservatives. But now, pro-corporate Democrats are getting in on the act, targeting an obscure but critical policy designed to give enforcers the information they need to judge proposed corporate mergers.

On Monday afternoon, House Antitrust Subcommittee chairs Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Rep. Lou Correa (D-CA) assembled a staff-only briefing to inform members about the new merger guidelines, finalized by FTC and DOJ last year, as well as a proposed rule still in the works that would modify implementation of the Hart-Scott-Rodino Act.